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On the exact date Donald Trump was presented with a tailor-made "award for peace" from his recent friend, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his government published an equally flamboyant security policy document. This relatively brief paper drips with pure Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the typically humble claim that the president has rescued "our nation – and the world – back from the brink of disaster and ruin."

Even though the strategy largely formalizes the current actions and rhetoric of Trump and his cabinet, it must be taken as a grave caution for the international community, and for Europe in particular.

A Blueprint of Interference and Civilizational Fear

The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US explicitly sets the goal of "fostering European greatness." Its language could have been lifted straight from speeches by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to remain European, to regain its cultural self-confidence." More worryingly, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the real and more stark possibility of civilizational erasure."

The whole section dedicated to Europe is steeped in decades of European right-wing dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "changing the continent and causing conflict, censorship of free expression and suppression of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and erosion of sovereign identity and self-belief." Per the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether some European countries will have economic power and armed forces powerful enough to be reliable allies." In fact, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, certain NATO members will become predominantly non-European."

"U.S. foreign policy should continue to champion genuine democracy, free speech, and proud commemorations of European nations’ individual character and past."

Core Ideas of the Far Right

These points carry powerful echoes of two theories seen as core for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose thesis on the inevitable fall of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiratorial narrative, alleging European elites of using immigration to substitute rebellious "indigenous" populations and bring in a more docile and reliant electorate.

It is the nationalist fever dream encapsulated in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the right, if not the duty, to interfere in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it sees its allies: "America urges its political allies in Europe to promote this resurgence of spirit, and the growing clout of nationalist European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."

The Objective: "Restore European Greatness"

In other words, the US contends that it is essential to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can achieve this. Consequently, its "broad policy for Europe" focuses on "cultivating opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "nations in agreement that want to restore their former greatness" – such as Hungary and Italy.

While the document stays vague on methods, it is obvious that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – especially regarding far-right speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not regard Russia as an adversary either.

An Ideological Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to interfere in the "Americas," which he proclaimed to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "assert and enforce a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.

This is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is published in an official document, European leaders will at last understand that the stance is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or vague for them, it can be summarised in plain and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is best served by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not just an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to respond accordingly.